Education and Post-Conflict Prospects in Syria: The Battle for Future Generations
| Key Takeaways Education will be a key battleground for Syria’s future in light of its new ruling political system. Even in the best-case scenario – assuming that Syria avoids sliding back into civil war – the path to recovery will be long and fraught with challenges. Beyond physical destruction, the country’s territorial division during the conflict led to different educational systems and curricula across different regions. Throughout Syria, the education sector faces severe challenges, including underpaid and insufficiently qualified staff, further exacerbating entrenched social inequalities. The future of Syria’s educational system – and the generations who will be shaped by it – depends on how the current government address the infrastructural damages, divided educational staff, shortage of qualified teachers, and tackling the task of unifying and rewriting the curriculum. Reconstruction aid presents a critical opportunity to steer Syria’s education system away from ideological indoctrination and toward a more inclusive and peace-oriented framework. The international community has both a moral and strategic imperative to act decisively, ensuring that education becomes a bridge to a better future, not a battleground for ideological control. Post-Conflict Education Before 2011, Syria’s education system was notable for its widespread access and growing infrastructure, though it faced significant challenges in quality and pedagogy. By the 2009-2010 academic year, the enrollment rate in basic education (divided into two cycles: grades 1-6 grades and grades 7-9) had reached an impressive 99.5%.[1] The number of schools for basic education increased from 15,693 in 2006 to 17,120 in 2010, while student enrollment rose from 4,297,580 to 4,661,872 during the same period.[2] The teaching workforce also expanded, growing from 225,904 educators in 2005-2006 to 271,782 in 2009-2010, reflecting significant public investment in education.[3] Regarding literacy, before 2011, Syria’s adult literacy rate stood at 83 percent overall – with 74 percent for women – ranking relatively high in the Arab world. While it lagged behind regional leaders like Jordan and Bahrain, it far surpassed countries like Yemen and Morocco, where rates fall below 50 percent. Syria’s young adult literacy rate exceeded 95 percent, placing it among the highest in the region.[4] However, quality issues persisted. Public schools were often overcrowded, and teaching methods relied heavily on rote memorization and standardized testing, leaving little room for critical thinking or creative approaches.[5] Education was also politicized, with content and structure shaped by the ruling Baath Party’s ideological framework and pan-Arab nationalism.[6] Additionally, militarization played a role in shaping the education system until it was officially abolished in 2003. Though, its legacy continued to influence the learning environment.[7] Beginning in the early 2000s, private schools were increasingly authorized, providing alternatives to public education.[8] However, this shit created disparities between public and private institutions, further highlighting systemic inequalities in quality and innovation that continue to date.[9] While Syria’s education system excelled in accessibility, it has struggled to foster creativity, innovation and inclusivity. Impact of the Conflict on Syria’s Education Sector Following the ouster of Assad’s regime, Syria’s new rulers have inherited a heavy burden from the war, with the education sector left in ruins. Beyond physical destruction, the country’s territorial division during the conflict led to different educational systems and curricula across different regions. Throughout Syria, the education sector faces severe challenges, including underpaid and insufficiently qualified staff, further exacerbating entrenched social inequalities. The quantitative toll of the Syrian conflict on education is staggering. According to Nathir al-Qadri, the minister of education in the HTS-led Syrian Transitional Government, Syria currently has 19,687 schools. Of this total, only 11,255 schools are operational, while 8,432 are inaccessible, including 4,300 schools that have been completely destroyed and 4,132 partially damaged.[10] The statistics on out-of-school children (OoSC) are equally alarming. Al-Qadri reports that out of 4.761 million school-age children, more than 2.5 million children remain out of school.[11]Similarly UNICEF estimates indicate that in early 2024, 2.4 million children were out school from a total of 5.52 million school-age children in Syria.[12] The decline in school enrollment has been a fundamental issue throughout the years of conflict. Before war, Syria had a relatively high net enrollment rate.[13] However, this rate has sharply declined; between 2014 and 2018 – coinciding with the most intense period of conflict – elementary school enrollment dropped to 51%.[14] In recent years, enrollment in elementary schools has rebounded from 70% to 80% between 2021 and 2023. However, this rate remains significantly lower than the 117% recorded in 2012.[15] Secondary school enrollment has plummeted from 76% to 38% over the same period, indicating that the majority of Syrian adolescents are not receiving secondary education.[16] There are no recent studies on Syria’s “lost years” or “lost opportunities” in education. However, assessments from 2017 indicate that children who remained in Syria are up to six years behind their global peers in educational attainment.[17] Beyond numbers, the qualitative impact of the conflict on Syria’s education system is also profound. The fragmentation of control across the country has resulted in the emergence of diverse and often contradictory curricula in different areas. Additionally, there has been a general decline in the quality of education and teaching standards. In northeast Syria, the Kurdish-led Autonomous Administration has developed its own curriculum, incorporating three official languages: Arabic, Kurdish and Syriac.[18] The curriculum, particularly in its humanistic components, is notably influenced by PKK/YPG ideology, including the writings of Abdullah Ocalan. It places significant emphasis on Kurdish language and culture.[19] In Kurdish-majority areas, Kurdish is the primary language of instruction, but the situation is more complex in Arabic-majority areas,[20] where some reports suggest that Arabic is used.[21] However, the controversy extends beyond language, focusing on the curriculum’s ideological underpinning. SDF’s attempts to impose this curriculum on non-Kurdish communities have sparked backlash from Muslim-Arab, Christian and Syriac groups.[22] This resistance has forced the administration to adjust its approach. For instance, in Arab-majority Manbij, the UNICEF alternative curriculum was adopted following widespread protests.[23] Additionally, growing dissatisfaction with the existing system has fueled reliance on private and religious education.[24] Currently, at least three curricula are being taught in northeast Syria: the central government’s curriculum (in educational compounds, schools of Manbij and its countryside and the neighboring town of al-Arimah), the Self-Administration’s curriculum (in schools across al-Jazirah, the Euphrates region, Afrin’s displaced communities residing in Al Shahbaa areas and camps in Aleppo countryside) and the UNICEF alternative (in al-Tabqa, Raqqa governorate and cities and towns of the eastern Deir Ezzor countryside).[25] In greater Idlib in northwest Syria, the HTS-backed Syrian Salvation Government (SSG) had introduced its own curriculum. HTS and its predecessor Jabhat al-Nusra – like all other parties to war – have been accused of violations of children’s rights, including the recruitment of child soldiers early in Syria’s war but also as recent as 2024.[26] Reports from 2015 suggest that HTS had established training camps for young children, both Syrians and those born to foreign fighters, that combined extremist education and military training.[27] After the formation of SSG in late 2017, the educational sector gradually came under its supervision. Schools in HTS-controlled areas of Idlib and some parts of Aleppo all followed a modified version of Syria’s pre-2011 curriculum, of course after excluding content not conforming to Islamic Sharia or glorifying Assad and the Baath regime.[28] Education starting from 4th grade was also gender segregated.[29] Concerns regarding HTS’s influence over education include its efforts to control and influence the Ministry of Education, discourage nationalism and promote religious education. In some instances, the curriculum glorifies personalities seen as terrorists.[30] In areas controlled by Turkish-backed groups across northern Syria, Turkiye’s Ministry of Education exercised considerable influence on the education sector, which is nominally administered by the Syrian Interim Government.[31] Turkiye’s direct intervention has helped stabilize the educational system, but it has also introduced challenges and controversies. For instance, children are obliged to learn Turkish to be able to continue their studies in Turkish universities, which recognise their secondary education.[32] In addition, Islamic education is heavily emphasized, including by non-Syrian NGOs.[33] Outside Syria, the education of Syrian refugee children in neighbouring countries adds another layer of complexity. By December 2024, prior to Assad’s fall, there were 5.5 million Syrian refugees in Lebanon, Jordan, Turkiye, Iraq and Egypt, 47% of them children. More than a third of these children did not have access to formal education.[34] Over the years, Syrian refugee children attending school in host countries have been taught using foreign curricula, which complicates reintegration upon their return. The return of many Syrian children from Lebanon in 2024 after the fall of Assad has highlighted these challenges. Between September and November, many returnees from Lebanon lacked official documents, creating barriers to school enrollment, legal recognition and access to basic services. This has made it more difficult to reintegrate them in the Syrian society once again. Moreover, mismatches between foreign curricula and Syria’s educational system has negatively affected stuent’s academic performance. This mismatch has the potential to inccrease dropout rates and limit student’s chances of pursuing higher education in competitive fields. As a result, education is now a major factor in many families’ decisions on whether to return to Syria – many might prefer their children to complete their education abroad before returning home. Education abroad is seen as more stable, of higher quality and easier to certify and get recognized, potentially delaying the return of many refugees home. In addition, psychological and social barriers further complicate reintegration, as many returning children feel alienated or disconnected due to unfamiliarity with Syrian society. In addition, social tensions might emerge between returnees and those who have remained in Syria, further complicating the integration process. These psychological and social barriers hinder efforts to rebuild Syria’s education sector and absorb returning students. Beyond the specific issues affecting each Syrian region, several overarching challenges impact the country’s education sector as a whole. These challenges include the decline in education quality and shortage of qualified teaching staff. The lack of qualified educators is one of the most pressing challenges. In the 2006-2007 academic year, Syria had approximately 63,000 teachers in government schools, with 10% of them serving as substitutes.[35] Even before the war, the education system was reportedly struggling with a shortage of qualified educators, often relying on temporary assignments to fill the gaps.[36] According to a more recent survey, the number of teachers has dropped to around 43,000, with only 80% considered qualified to teach. Given that an estimated 4.5 to 5 million students were enrolled in schools in the early 2020s, this translates to 100-120 students per one teacher[37] — far exceeding the global average of 24 students per teacher.[38] Beyond violence, low wages have contributed to a mass exodus of qualified educators from Syria. For example, in January 2023, a teacher in a government school reportedly earned a humble $24 per month, compared to $60 in AANES schools and $100 in Turkish-supported schools.[39] Combined with infrastructural damage and the shortage of qualified staff, these financial constraints have severely undermined education quality, as estimated by the UN.[40] Additionally, inequality in access to quality education is another significant issue. Wealthier families can afford better private schools, while poorer families often cannot access quality education, often leaving children out of school or with subpar opportunities.[41] This disparity exacerbates existing social inequalities. Another issue is that only the Syrian government holds the authority to issue internationally recognized diplomas, restricting students’ ability to access global educational institutions. However, in Turkish-controlled areas, graduates can continue their studies in Turkiye, where their diplomas are recognized.[42] Post Assad Education: Early Trends Following Assad’s ouster, HTS has effectively consolidated control over Syria. HTS is likely to remain the dominant force during the transitional period – at least – with its leader Sharaa holding the position of interim Syrian president. The Ministry of Education, like other government institutions, is now under the control of the new government led by HTS. The future of Syria’s educational system – and the generations who will be shaped by it – depends on how the de facto authorities address the infrastructural challenges mentioned earlier while tackling the more substantive task of unifying and rewriting the curriculum. While it is still too early to predict the definitive direction of Syria’s education system, early trends offer insight into how the new government may handle both the infrastructural and substantive challenges related to educational content and curricula. Response to Infrastructural Challenges The new government lacks the capacity to address the extensive physical destruction inflicted on Syria’s education sector and will likely depend heavily on foreign aid to make any meaningful progress. On December 31, 2024, a meeting was held between UNICEF and the caretaker minister of education to discuss potential cooperation.[43] However, it remains to be seen whether international aid will be linked to potential changes to the curriculum or the schooling system – such as the imposition of headscarves on female students, gender segregation or the assigning of schools based on gender. While such practices existed under the Assad regime, they were not mandatory. In the absence of any clear national plan so far, insights can be drawn from reports on the actions of the government formed after deposing al-Assad’s regime and, more importantly, its governing style in Idlib. Following the model established during its rule in Idlib, the government is expected to allow private schools to operate while maintaining strict control over curricula. Since the HTS’s takeover of areas formerly controlled by the Assad regime, no private schools have been confiscated, including those of Christian and Shia communities.[44] This approach appears to be part of a broader HTS strategy to avoid clashes with segments of the Syrian society for the time being. Though, this policy could change once HTS solidifies its rule. Faced with a failing public sector and no quick fixes in the foreseeable future, the new government is likely to allow for more private schooling, as the former government did in Idlib. And just as was the case under Assad, private schools will be required to teach the official curriculum, now under the new government’s control, since passing standardized national tests is necessary for obtaining official certification. Furthermore, the government is likely to permit the establishment religious schools that promote special interpretations of Islamic doctrine – mainly Salafism – which were not allowed under the Assad regime. These institutions will likely compete with schools operated by other Sunni Muslim groups that do not share the same Salafi worldview of HTS. Although the new government has plans to reduce the size of the public sector, it is unlikely to dismiss teachers, given the already critical shortage of qualified educators. Regardless of how the current authorities proceed, rebuilding Syria’s education system will require years of effort and billions of dollars – far beyond their current capabilities. This will necessitate heavy reliance on foreign assistance and technical cooperation with UN agencies, international organizations and local NGOs. New Government’s Response to Challenges Related to Educational Content and Curriculum It is not clear to what extent the Ministry of Education in the new government will introduce drastic changes to scientific subjects. The caretaker government has adopted some changes in some curricula. The education minister in that government – who was appointed by HTS and previously held the same position in SSG – has ordered the removal of the theory of evolution and Big Bang theory from textbooks. This decision sparked protest that were ultimately ignored.[45] While seemingly minor, such changes reflect the Islamist approach within the new ruling authorities in the country. In another example, the minister introduced changes to the Islamic religion curriculum to align with HTS’s extremist interpretations.[46] One of the most striking examples was the change in the interpretation of a verse from Surah al Fatiha that says, “The path of those You have blessed – not those You are displeased with, or those who are astray.” The previous interpretation described “those who are astray” as those “who do not do good.” The revised interpretation now explicitly identifies them as Jews and Christians. In addition, the minister ordered the removal of the “nationalism” subject from the curriculum, reallocating its test scores in the final cumulative average to religious education.[47] While this change was expected – since that “nationalism” was framed through the Baath ideology and the glorification of the Assad family – it also reflects HTS’s stance on rejecting nationalist ideology in favour of the Muslim Umma. The minister also changed the definition of “martyr” in textbooks from someone who dies for the homeland to someone who dies for God.[48] Another significant revision was eliminating references to the Ottoman Empire as an occupying power in history textbooks.[49] In effect, teachers have been instructed to alert students to these changes, specified down to the page number, to avoid affecting their academic performance this academic year. If HTS remains in power, further in-depth modifications along ideological lines are expected. Much like the Baath regime before it, HTS is likely to use education as a means for creating an ideologized generation through the manipulation of curricula. Nevertheless, the psychological toll on children – many of whom have grown up amid violence, displacement and instability – remains largely unaddressed. Little effort has been made to heal generational trauma or foster resilience, despite education’s potential to serve as a pillar of peacebuilding. Instead, there is a risk that curriculum changes are being weaponized to perpetuate division and intolerance, further entrenching societal fractures and undermining efforts to build a cohesive, peaceful future for Syria. Moreover, the fate of private schools remains uncertain. No formal decision has been made thus far regarding curriculum oversight in these institutions – whether private schools will have autonomy in academic content or fall under state supervision. Similarly, gender segregation in schools remains a contentious issue. While some advocate for segregation, others support co-education. These ongoing debates highlight broader uncertainties surrounding Syria’s education landscape, with decisions regarding the future of both public and private institutions remaining dependent on political and economic developments. Consequences Impact on the Labor Market: With millions of children out of school and many others receiving substandard education, Syria’s future labor market faces significant challenges in meeting the demands of a modern economy. There is a growing risk of producing a generation lacking technological skills and adequate education, which could severely hinder efforts toward national recovery and reconstruction. According to a UN report, this reality is expected to result in slow economic recovery, persistent unemployment, declining family incomes and sluggish GDP growth, further exacerbating Syria’s long-term development struggles.[50] Child Labor and Child Marriage: The inaccessibility of schools is likely to trigger a sharp increase in child labor and child marriage. A report by the International Labor Organizations (ILO) shows that the incidence of child labor in countries affected by armed conflictwas 77% higher than the global average.[51] As for girls, early marriage poses a severe risk, limiting their chances to education and curbing their personal development.[52] Exacerbating Social Gaps: The gap between well-resourced private schools and underfunded public schools continues to grow, reinforcing cycles of poverty. Children of low-income families receive substandard education. In rural areas and regions affected by conflict, destroyed schools and disrupted learning disproportionately impact vulnerable segments, particularly refugee girls and children, further marginalizing and limiting their future opportunities. Generational Trauma: The education crisis in Syria has caused severe psychological distress among children, many of whom have grown up amid violence and instability, deprived of schools that once provided them with safety and a semblance of normalcy. This absence of consistent emotional and academic support has deprived them of the essential stability, guidance, structured environment and emotional nourishment crucial for healthy development. This generational shock manifests in feelings of marginalization and inferiority, shaping their social outlook. With inadequate education, this generation faces limited opportunities for social mobility, potentially perpetuating cycles of poverty and hardship for years to come. Education Deficiency and Violence: Studies indicate a direct link between lack of education and increased vulnerability to abuse, exploitation and recruitment by armed groups,[53] with out-of-school children far more likely to become involved in criminal activities.[54] If conclusions by these studies are right, Syria is likely to face huge challenges in the coming years – challenges that will extend beyond its borders and impact the whole region. Religious Indoctrination and Extremism: If extremist religious education continues to flourish, especially in unofficial religious schools, Syria risks becoming a source for ideologically indoctrinated fighters, fueling both local and transnational organizations. Historical precedent supports this concern. Before 2011, the former regime facilitated unofficial religious indoctrination as a method to enlist fighters and send them to Iraq to fight American forces there. After 2011, organizations like Daesh and Jabhat al-Nusra carried out widespread recruitment among children who received their education in unorganized religious schools. In other words, if extremist religious education in Syria is encouraged or left unsupervised, the threat of producing transnational fighters will increase, with grave local and regional ramifications. Recommendations First, Strengthening Education Infrastructure Rebuilding Syria’s damaged schools is a critical priority that requires substantial financial and technical investment. International and regional support can expedite this process while ensuring that new infrastructure aligns with modern educational and safety standards. The presence of a large, uneducated youth population ruled by Islamist-leaning authorities poses significant risks to long-term stability. To address this challenge, international and regional actors should: Provide financial aid and grants specifically earmarked for rebuilding schools and educational facilities, prioritizing rural and underserved areas. Leverage public-private partnerships by involving Gulf-based construction and engineering firms to design and implement model schools. Fund the establishment of multi-purpose educational centers that combine schooling with vocational training, health services and community programs. Second, Expanding Access to Education Reintegrating out-of-school children and preventing further dropouts require targeted and inclusive strategies. International and regional actors can: Implement conditional funding mechanisms to incentivize school attendance while ensuring inclusive and non-ideological education. Sponsor mobile schools and community-based learning centers to reach regions with high displacement rates, ensuring access to education for all. Support the development of flexible learning programs to accommodate displaced and marginalized communities. Third, Curriculum Reform and Oversight Curriculum reform is critical for fostering unity, countering extremist ideologies and promoting peacebuilding. International and regional actors can help shape this process by: Providing technical expertise to design curricula that emphasize critical thinking, civic education and tolerance, while ensuring ideological neutrality. Conditioning all aid to de facto authorities and local administrations on their commitment to inclusive and non-divisive educational reforms. Engaging constructively with government officials to monitor curriculum changes and prevent education from being used as an ideological tool. Fourth, Investing in Teachers Teachers are central to rebuilding Syria’s education system. International and regional actors can support efforts to build a skilled and motivated teaching workforce by: Funding teacher training programs focused on inclusive education, trauma-informed teaching and peacebuilding. Providing financial support to stabilize teacher salaries and improve retention rates. Establishing teacher exchange programs to foster professional development and exposure to best practices. Fifth, Leveraging Technology Technology offers an opportunity to bridge gaps in access and quality, especially in conflict-affected areas. International and regional actors, leveraging their technological expertise, can: Support the development of e-learning platforms tailored to Syria’s needs, enabling remote education for children in underserved areas. Donate digital equipment and resources to facilitate modern learning environments, including solar-powered devices for off-grid schools. Sixth, Promoting Peacebuilding Through Education Education must play a central role in fostering reconciliation and unity in post-conflict Syria through: Funding initiatives that integrate peace education into the curriculum, promoting tolerance and coexistence. Supporting programs that bring students from diverse backgrounds together, reducing sectarian divides and fostering social cohesion. Seventh, Enhancing Governance and Coordination Sustainable educational reform requires effective governance and coordination. International and regional actors can: Build transparent and efficient education management systems to ensure accountability and evidence-based policymaking. Develop monitoring platforms to track educational progress and outcomes, supporting continuous improvement. Strengthen the capacity of Syrian education officials through training and mentorship, enabling them to implement and sustain reforms. Conclusion Syria’s future depends on its ability to rebuild an education system that promotes stability, inclusivity and peace. Years of conflict have not only destroyed physical infrastructure but also fractured a once-unified national curriculum, leaving the education sector vulnerable to ideological manipulation. The HTS-led administration faces immense challenges yet it has thus far prioritized embedding its extremist worldview over addressing systemic and infrastructural needs. This approach risks perpetuating the legacy of conflict, deepening divisions and undermining any prospects for national reconciliation efforts. Reconstruction aid presents a critical opportunity to steer Syria’s education system away from ideological indoctrination and toward a more inclusive and peace-oriented framework. International and regional actors, particularly GCC countries, must leverage their resources and influence to ensure that education aid is conditioned on promoting moderation and fostering unity. By prioritizing infrastructure rebuilding, teacher support, peace education and curriculum reform, the global community can help Syria lay the foundation for a cohesive and resilient society. Ultimately, the battle for Syria’s future is not just about rebuilding schools but about redefining the role of education as a catalyst for healing, growth and peace. Failure to address this challenge risks creating a generation shaped by division and extremism, with dire consequences for Syria and the broader region. The international community has both a moral and strategic imperative to act decisively, ensuring that education becomes a bridge to a better future, not a battleground for ideological control. |
Armenak Tokmajyan|21 May 2025
